Anti-Militarism: News & Updates

On June 24, IRTF convened more than 100 people from Islamic, Christian and Jewish faith traditions for an interfaith prayer in support and defense and migrants, hosted by Trinity Episcopal Cathedral.

After the morning prayer service, another organization, Network (a Catholic social justice advocacy organization based in Washington, DC, which has some Clevelanders on staff), organized a prayer vigil walk. Many of us from the IRTF prayer vigil joined the walk. At the Carl B Stokes Federal Courthouse (where the only immigration court in the state of Ohio is housed), we encountered a young woman crying. A few moments before ICE apprehended her husband as they exited a courtroom up on the 13th floor. The ICE agents told her “he’ll call you in about an hour.”  IRTF staff spent 20 minutes with her, consoling her, giving her resources and our mobile phone numbers.

On Saturday, May 3, I flew to southern Arizona where I stayed for two and a half weeks for a border witness delegation. While hiking in the desert doing water drops, we always found clothing, shoes, and jackets left behind by migrants who had passed before us. There were also many black water bottles—used because they’re harder for Border Patrol to spot in the dark. Holding a black bottle and thinking about which hands had held it before was very powerful for me.

The whole trip to the borderlands was deeply meaningful to me. It gave me a much deeper understanding of the situation at the US-Mexico border and a deeper emotional sense of what migration means, not only at this border but at all borders. Seeing the vastness and dangers of the desert, walking on the same paths as people trying to migrate—this was very different from reading articles or looking at photos.

What I experienced brought me closer to IRTF—our  work and our mission.

Please consider donating to IRTF to make meaningful experiences like this possible for future volunteer staff associates.

Colombia hosted the first ever “Emergency Conference” on Gaza, bringing together more than 30 countries that pledged to move beyond condemnation toward coordinated legal action to stop Israel’s genocide in Gaza. Over the course of two days, diplomats, activists, Palestinian organizations, and human rights lawyers participated in rallies, public symposiums, and closed door meetings to debate next steps forward. While the agreements reached were limited in scope, they marked an unprecedented show of international resolve.

The conference ended with several countries, including Colombia, signing a 6-point join action plan that includes blocks of weapons transfers to Israel and other diplomatic, legal, and economic measures aimed at stopping Israel’s assault on the Palestinian people and defending international law.

Today’s essay could be characterized as a meditation on irritation. ICE is irritated with me for publishing facts, the public is increasingly irritated with ICE for not doing what they said they’d do, and I’m irritated with news outlets for getting basic facts wrong.

I have been publishing a steady stream of data-driven research over the past six months that (1) predicted a rise in ICE targeting immigrants without criminal histories, (2) documented this steady rise over the past several months, and, just this week, (3) showed that non-criminal immigrant arrests now make up an objective majority.

These findings have circulated widely in news articles at leading outlets, including CNN, The Economist, Washington Post, USA Today, NPR, the Guardian, Mother Jones, Los Angeles Times, Christian Science Monitor, and many more.

The findings are significant because they help us understand immigration enforcement trends, and because the data shows that the Trump administration’s rhetoric about going after dangerous criminals is not entirely accurate.

Pressed by the press about these numbers, ICE is becoming increasingly irritated and defensive. Border czar Thomas Homan1 and Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs for ICE, Tricia McLaughlin, have both reacted strongly to these well-documented data points published by the news media.

The current (as of June 30) percentage of ICE arrests for immigrants with no criminal histories is 45 percent.  Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin did not seem to know this. She says that the mainstream media is pushing a false narrative, even though they are getting all their data on arrests, detentions, and deportations from her agency!

By James Phillips

June 25 marked the 50th anniversary of the Los Horcones massacre, a gruesome and desperate event that still haunts Honduran society and is emblematic of major forces that have shaped much of modern global history. The massacre occurred in the Lepaguare Valley, in the municipal district of Juticalpa, in the Department of Olancho, on the hacienda “Los Horcones,” There, a group of military officers and landowners (or their paid agents) tortured and murdered 15 people, including 11 peasant farmers, two young women, and two Catholic priests—Ivan Betancur (a Colombian citizen) and Casimir Cypher (a U.S. citizen from Wisconsin).

In 2013, Honduran Jesuit priest and human rights leader Ismael Moreno (Padre Melo) wrote that the Los Horcones massacre was probably the starkest example of government repression against the Catholic Church in recent Honduran history, and that it caused Church leaders and many others to move away from their support of popular demands for social justice. But its significance goes beyond even that.

On June 27, 1954, a coup d’état deposed the democratically elected Soldado del Pueblo (Soldier of the People): President Jacobo Árbenz Guzman. He was the face of Guatemala’s democratic revolution, which began in 1944. The agrarian reform of 1952, redistributing unused land to landless Indigenous peasants, impacted the United Fruit Company (UFCO), the largest land owner in Guatemala, and U.S. foreign policy, as Cold War tensions grew. Collaborating with Guatemalan fascists, they plunged Guatemala into decades of U.S. backed dictatorships. On its 70th anniversary, we invite you to reflect with us on this counter-revolutionary event and what it might mean for Guatemala and the world today.

SUMMARY

IRTF has been a member of the Honduras Solidarity Network since the coup 16 years ago that ousted their democratically-elected president, Mel Zelaya. Although the current government is considered post-coup, the administrations since 2009 implemented a lot of changes that benefit the oligarchy at the expense of Indigenous, Afro-descendant and campesino communities. Although state-led repression is less now, the network of coup proponents, corrupt actors and organized crime continue to have influence and to act, even violently, against the peoples’ movements.

Read our full statement on the anniversary of the coup here.

From February 1-6, 2025, Marco Rubio traveled to Central America for his first official visits as U.S. Secretary of State. With the exception of Honduras, Nicaragua, and Belize, every country hosted Rubio. His stated aim was “to advance President Trump’s America First foreign policy.” The four axes of this policy for the region are: migration, organized crime, China, and U.S. economic investment. These are part of his administration’s broad strategy to re-assert exclusive U.S. political and economic dominance in the region it has long considered its “back yard.”

The people of Guatemala continue to face the systematic and manufactured dispossession brought by capitalism and U.S. imperialism.

As Rubio’s visit demonstrates, the life of the people of Guatemala and the people of the United States is tightly interconnected—economically, (geo)politically, socially, ecologically. What happens here impacts there, and what happens there impacts here. For better or for worse. 

It’s time for a renewed internationalist solidarity movement with the people of Guatemala

Giovanni Batz’s carefully researched text examines how the Ixil and K’iche’ Mayas have resisted attacks on their land, state violence, and extraction since Spanish colonization.

As Trump returns to power, our new analysis exposes how U.S.-Guatemala agreements threaten vulnerable communities through mass deportations and exploitation of resources. Through powerful testimonies from Indigenous leaders fighting for territorial rights and messages of solidarity with the Guatemalan diaspora, we illuminate the transnational resistance taking root. From ADH’s fight for community water rights to CODIDENA’s successful resistance against mining extraction, these stories reveal how communities are protecting vital resources despite increasing pressure. Join our movement for justice that transcends borders — dive deeper into Guatemala’s ongoing struggle for sovereignty and dignity.