IRTF News

Under trade agreements, corporations are given the right to sue  governments using a controversial investor-state dispute settlement mechanism (ISDS), which allows private sector lawyers to determine whether the country has treated foreign investors fairly. Even though the government of Honduras announced its withdrawal from ISDS in February 2024, companies continue to sue governments for policies that may impact their profits, such as reforms to make electricity more affordable.

​​​​​​​Given that Honduras is one of the poorest countries in Central America, the lawsuits from various corporations (totaling $19.4 billion, an amount equivalent to roughly 53% of the country’s GDP in 2024) add immense pressure on the government to implement policies that favor the companies’ interests. These actions often come with harmful consequences for environmental protection and human rights, as communities adjacent to the companies’ projects have denounced for years.

A judge convicted seven former executives of Chiquita Brands in Colombia for sponsoring terrorism and sentenced them to 11 months in prison.

The former executives were responsible for Chiquita’s contributions totaling $1.7 million to paramilitary organization AUC between 1995 and 2004, said the Prosecutor General’s Office in a press statement.

Among those convicted are: John Paul Olivo (Comptroller of Chiquita Brands’ North America, who was the comptroller of Chiquita subsidiary Banadex between 1996 and 2001) and Charles Dennis Keiser (Chiquita’s operations chief in Colombia between 1987 and 2000).

The criminal proceedings in Colombia kicked off after Chiquita Brands pleaded guilty to terrorism-sponsoring in a U.S. federal court back in 2007 and was ordered to pay a $27 million fine.

Glencore is a global coal mining company based in Switzerland. It’s US-based subsidiary, Glencore USA LLC, is incorporated in Delaware. Glencore's U.S. operations (100% owned by Glencore) listed on its website includes 24 separate companies, including the company's New York headquarters on Madison Avenue. 

In Colombia, Glencore International is the 100% owner of several subsidiaries: C.I. Prodeco S.A., Carbones de la Jagua S.A., Carbones El Tesoro S.A., Consorcio Minero Unido S.A., Servicios Integrales de Cuidado y Mantenimiento Minero Ambiental S.A.S. (all in Barranquilla); Glencore Colombia SAS and Glencore Energy Colombia SAS (in Bogotá); and Sociedad Portuaria Puerto Nuevo S.A. (in Magdalena).

IRTF has been following the controversy around the Cerrejon Mine in Colombia for the past 20 years because of the negative impacts on local communities, including the Indigenous Wayúu in La Guajira Department (on the Atlantic coast and Venezuelan border). Cerrejon is Latin America’s largest open-pit coal mine. Once drinkable, the waters of the Ranchería River, now runs visibly dark.

Another layer of controversy is Glencore’s relationship with Israel. President Petro warned that if Glencore refuses to comply with the decree to suspend coal shipments to Israel, he would unilaterally alter its concession (permit) and would ask the local community near the mine to stage blockades.

Right now, the United States is experiencing unprecedented expansion of the immigration detention system. In June 2025, ICE was detaining more than 59,000 people—a 48 percent surge since January. This marks the highest ICE detention population in U.S. history. The MAGA megabill will accelerate the Trump administration’s aggressive multi-layered expansion plan to detain 100,000 people at any given time.

Trump’s multi-layered expansion plan (see our new expansion map) has proliferated ICE operations into other government agencies, including the Bureau of Prisons and the Department of Defense, using military bases as deportation hubs and growing ICE partnerships with local sheriffs and county jails. The administration has expanded surveillance, brought back family detention, began an unprecedented carceral partnership with El Salvador, and increased neighborhood and workplace raids that hurt communities and disappear people, including activists who oppose Trump’s agenda, into ICE’s network, often sowing fear and confusion.

Two petitions to sign:

1.Sign the petition HERE to stop expansion of ICE detention.

2.Click HERE to sign the petition to stop the reopening of the notorious FCI Dublin federal prison in Dublin, CA as an immigration detention center.

Through the Coalition of Immokalee Workers’ Anti-Slavery Campaign, launched in the early 1990s,  farmworkers worked, often at great personal risk, to uncover and investigate modern-day slavery rings operating in Florida and throughout the eastern United States. 

By 2010, the CIW’s anti-trafficking efforts had helped federal prosecutors put over a dozen farm employers and supervisors behind bars for exploiting their workers through the threat and use of violence, prompting federal prosecutors to dub the Florida agricultural industry “ground zero for modern-day slavery.” Also by 2010, the CIW had secured legally-binding “Fair Food Agreements” with nearly a dozen of the country’s largest buyers of produce, committing those companies to leverage their purchasing power to protect workers in their suppliers’ operations, though dogged resistance to reform on the part of Florida’s tomato growers, had, to that point, kept those agreements from being implemented on Florida farms. 

As of 2025, the Fair Food Program (FFP) is present in at least half the states in the continental U.S., and is also operating in two additional countries, Chile and South Africa. As a result, workers and growers in the flower industry in those countries are already benefiting from FFP implementation, with broader expansion into the fruit (South Africa) and salmon (Chile) industries on the runway.

The fiercest voices of dissent against President Nayib Bukele have long feared a widespread crackdown. They weathered police raids on their homes, watched their friends being thrown into jail and jumped between safe houses so they can stay in El Salvador.

Then they received a warning: Leave immediately. It’s exile or prison.

A combination of high-profile detentions, a new “foreign agents” law, violent repression of peaceful protesters and the risk of imminent government detention has driven more than 100 political exiles to flee in recent months.

The biggest exodus of journalists, lawyers, academics, environmentalists and human rights activists in years is a dark reminder of the nation’s brutal civil war decades ago, when tens of thousands of people are believed to have escaped. Exiles who spoke to The Associated Press say they are scattered across Central America and Mexico with little more than backpacks and a lingering question of where they will end up.

“We’re living through a moment where history is repeating itself,” said Ingrid Escobar, leader of the human rights legal group Socorro Juridico, who fled El Salvador with her two children.

During the first dozen years after the coup in Honduras, tThe arrangement between drug traffickers and the Honduran political elite was straightforward and mutually beneficial. On the one hand, political actors received kickbacks or other economic benefits from the projects they awarded. On the other, drug traffickers were afforded new ways to disguise their illicit proceeds, build up their social capital, and fortify their facade as seemingly legitimate business actors. But as the coup presidents opened a window for these corrupt networks to expand their wealth and consolidate power, the environment, and those working to protect it, suffered greatly.

In the nearly 15 years since Honduras was declared open for business, deforestation has increased at an alarming rate alongside the expansion of the extractives industry. During this same time, the country has also seen an unprecedented wave of violence directed at environmental defenders. The non-governmental organization Global Witness recently said that “nowhere on earth are you more likely to be killed for protesting the theft of land and destruction of the natural world than in Honduras.”

Caracas, July 23, 2025 (venezuelanalysis.com) – A group of Venezuelan men forcibly deported from the US and detained in El Salvador’s notorious CECOT prison accused Salvadoran authorities of systematic torture, beatings, sexual abuse, and medical neglect.

At a press conference on Monday, Venezuelan Attorney General Tarek William Saab presented testimonies from several men detailing the abuse they endured in the infamous prison. 

When Julio González Jr., who had agreed to be deported to Venezuela (but was instead sent to El Salvador), refused to get off the plane in San Salvador, he, along with two other shackled men, were yanked by their feet, beaten and shoved off board as the plane’s crew began to cry. Dozens of migrants were forced onto a bus and driven to a massive gray complex. They were ordered to kneel there with their foreheads pressed against the ground as guards pointed guns directly at them.

Julio González and the two others were able to return to their family’s homes in Venezuela this week, among the 252 Venezuelans released from CECOT in exchange for the release of 10 American citizens and permanent U.S. residents imprisoned in Venezuela.

Many of the former detainees, after 125 days denied contact with the outside world, began to share details of their treatment.

“I practically felt like an animal,” González said by telephone from his parents’ home. “The officials treated us like we were the most dangerous criminals on Earth. … They shaved our heads, they would insult us, they would take us around like dogs.”

The three men denied any gang affiliations. Neither the U.S. nor El Salvador has provided evidence that they are gang members.

@austinkocher

Austin Kocher shares this two-part interview with Antero Garcia at La Cuenta. 

“When Antero first contacted me, I assumed we would focus on immigration data. But Antero, a Stanford professor and skilled interviewer, led the conversation through the thicket of my academic background and personal experiences to tell the story not only of what I do but why I do it. We discuss how my training as a geographer continues to shape my thinking, how my military service influenced my research on immigration enforcement, and why I believe—perhaps deeper than I believe anything—that working class Americans and immigrants need to see each other as allies, not adversaries, in the struggle for economic justice.

I am grateful to Antero and La Cuenta for generously publishing both parts of the thorough interview this week. I invite you to read both parts at the links below, then to explore La Cuenta’s many other moving stories. La Cuenta’s goal is to offer individual stories and perspectives about the costs of undocumented living in the U.S., primarily from the perspective of current and formerly undocumented individuals as well as members of mixed-status families.”