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Klas Lundström’s article in Jacobin discusses the sentencing of former Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández to 45 years in prison for drug trafficking and related charges. Hernández, once a US ally, is now in prison due to a shift in political dynamics that led to his chosen successor losing the 2021 elections. Lundström argues that Hernández's involvement in drug trafficking and corruption is a direct result of US foreign policy and the US-backed coup against left-wing President Manuel Zelaya in 2009.

Hernández’s presidency, marked by widespread violence and corruption, was supported by the US, which turned a blind eye to his illegal activities while he assisted in drug interdiction and migration control. His eventual downfall was accelerated by the electoral loss of the National Party and the subsequent administration’s approval of his extradition to the US.

The article highlights that Hernández’s rise and fall are emblematic of broader US interference in Latin American politics, which has historically favored conservative and pro-US governments. The coup against Zelaya, justified by false accusations and supported by the US, led to increased instability and violence in Honduras. The consequences of this interference continue to plague Honduras, with drug trafficking and corruption deeply embedded in the state’s fabric.

Lundström emphasizes that Hernández’s story reflects the disastrous impact of US policies in Central America, where political and economic turmoil often results from interventions aimed at maintaining US influence.

News Article

In less than a decade, El Salvador has gone from the murder capital of the world to having one of the lowest homicide rates in the Western Hemisphere. President Nayib Bukele has been at the helm of this radical transformation. Since taking office, he has led one of the most aggressive anti-gang crackdowns ever seen, suspended key constitutional rights, reshaped the judiciary, eroded prosecutorial independence, and consolidated unprecedented political power in the process.

Data from the Salvadoran government indeed suggests that violence has plummeted to historic lows under Bukele. A closer look at the data and methods used by his administration, however, reveals a more complicated reality of violence, state control, and repression in the country. Under Bukele’s crackdown, the government has been undercounting homicides by as much as 47 percent. In May 2021, Bukele’s government formally started changing how it counted homicides. Then, in April 2022, just days after Bukele declared the régimen de excepción, the government began excluding figures for persons killed in clashes with the police or military, which include shootings, patrols, and operations by state security forces. Where El Salvador has become a true leader—not only in the Western Hemisphere but globally—is incarceration. Under Bukele’s rule, El Salvador has become the most incarcerated country in the world.

Lastly, both Bukele’s supporters and critics have largely taken his administration at its word, failing to consider that the very data touted by the president and his administration is deeply flawed and that homicides under his rule have been deliberately and dramatically undercounted.
“Everyone is talking about Bukele’s model and that it is going to be successful there,” Salvadoran political scientist José Miguel Cruz told Foreign Policy, “and that is just a fantasy.”

 

News Article

The article from Mary Jo McConahay in the National Catholic Reporter on August 6, 2024, discusses the ongoing trial of General Benedicto Lucas García in Guatemala for crimes committed during the country's 36-year internal armed conflict. The trial has highlighted debates among experts over whether the atrocities committed against the Ixil Maya should be classified as genocide or war crimes. Despite differing opinions on terminology, the trial underscores the profound impact of the violence, which included mass murders, cultural destruction, and forced reorganization of communities. The case is seen as crucial for transitional justice in Guatemala, aiming to hold perpetrators accountable and facilitate healing for survivors affected by the violent campaign.

News Article

My name is Cruz Salucio and I am part of the staff of the Coalition of Immokalee Workers.

For many years I worked in the fields, especially in tomato, blueberry, and also watermelon harvesting for nine years. So when we talk about heat, it’s a real worry that one has as a worker because every year it gets hotter.

There were moments where  if I ran out of water, well, I had to endure it. Before the Fair Food Program, growers, most of the time, didn’t give water to those who worked, and if you wanted to rest in the field, normally there was no shade so a lot of times you had to go under the bus or go far away to get below a tree if there was one. Or simply stay under the sun. So, those were the situations I saw for a long time.

After a long day of work you would get so thirsty, you would wake up with your mouth so dry in the morning, but we had to keep working and a lot of coworkers we worked with sadly would lose consciousness in the fields. That’s what comes to mind when you talk about the heat. Nowadays it’s getting hotter and that’s very worrying for one’s health as a farmworker.

That’s why I got involved here with the Coalition of Immokalee Workers to fight; to better those situations in the workplace.  – Cruz Saluci, CIW

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