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Guatemala's highest court has sentenced five former paramilitaries to 30 years in prison for raping dozens of indigenous Mayan women during the country's civil war in the 1980s. The men were members of so-called Civil Self-Defense Patrols, armed groups formed and supported by the military. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights in Guatemala said the sentence was a "landmark advance in the access to the rights to truth, justice and reparation for female victims of sexual violence during" the war.

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In scouring the globe for cheap labor, US clothing brands are not merely opportunistic, they are also sometimes actively parasitic. Honduras is a case study: one in which US corporations and the US state department have worked together for decades to bring cheap garments to American consumers, framing job creation as a blessing for the Honduran economy while simultaneously engaging in political interventions that keep Honduran citizens poor. Among the manifold complexities of the global supply chain, a simple principle holds: corporations will always go where their costs – and their responsibilities – can be kept to an absolute minimum.

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President-elect Xiomara Castro has not been sworn in yet, but her administration already faces its first major crisis. Just days before Xiomara Castro’s Jan. 27 inauguration as president of Honduras, her party Libre split over the congressional vote, as some members of National Congress aligned with her political opponents of the National Party and Liberal Party to support Jorge Cálix, a dissenting member of the Libre party, as president of the National Congress. It is a preview of the tumult that may await the transition out of 12 years of post-coup rule under the National Party, unlikely to willingly loosen its grip on power given that many prominent members face potential corruption or drug trafficking charge. As of Monday afternoon, Honduras still had two parallel Congressional leaderships, both under suspicion of illegality, a sign that does not bode well for the stability for the first days of Castro’s presidency.

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U.S. Department of Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas yesterday betrayed the Biden administration’s commitments to disentangle local policing from the federal detention and deportation system and called on local law enforcement agencies to assist DHS in the enforcement of federal civil immigration law. When local police, who lack expertise on immigration laws, act as ICE officers, the racial biases and discriminaton of the criminal legal system are layered on top of the already racist enforcement of U.S. immigration law. Sec. Mayorkas is urged to reverse course and follow-through on President Biden’s critical promises to affirmatively terminate “287(g)” agreements” with local law enforcement agencies around the country.

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The community assembly in Nebaj, Guatemala is part of the Ixil’s historical struggle to pursue peaceful and local community-based solutions and transparency to institutional, governmental, and structural corruption and impunity at all levels of government. Guatemala is experiencing a weakening of democratic structures and the further entrenchment of corruption and impunity. Many Indigenous communities have been abandoned by the corrupt state and are displaced from their territories by the armed forces. The International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), created in 2006, gave Guatemalans hope that justice would be served to corrupt politicians, but the right-wing and military backlash was swift. In recent years, the Guatemalan state has become increasingly militarized and has overused states of sieges to suspend civil liberties. As a result, some fear that the government is regressing towards authoritarianism. Twenty-five years after the Peace Accords, Guatemalan democracy is at a crucial political juncture in which the safeguards against corruption, impunity, and state violence are being dismantled by the politicians, elites, and military.

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President-Elect Xiomara Castro’s plans to overhaul Honduras suffered a major setback on Friday. A rebellion within her leftist Libre party has deprived her allies of control of Congress, threatening her ability to pass laws and appoint officials even before she has taken office. Ms. Castro’s party split apart after she tried to fulfill a campaign promise and install a member of an allied centrist party as congressional speaker on Friday morning. A group of 22 Libre lawmakers opposed the move. If Ms. Castro fails to live up to Hondurans’ widespread desire for change, even more citizens could flee to the United States border because of violence and political instability, said Tiziano Breda, Central America analyst at the International Crisis Group. The rebellion further complicates the Biden administration’s policy in northern Central America, which has endured a series of autocratic and corrupt leaders, on the right and the left.
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Rights groups and politicians in Colombia have welcomed a decision by the country’s Constitutional Court, which ruled this week that the government failed to consult local communities over its plan to restart aerial fumigation of coca crops. Aerial spraying of glyphosate previously saw rural water supplies contaminated and food crops destroyed in the Colombian countryside. The court’s decision highlights the unfulfilled obligation the government had to engage with communities that would be affected by the spraying.

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Violent organized crime continues to disrupt Honduran society and push many people to leave the country. Journalists; environmental activists; human rights defenders; lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals; and people with disabilities are among the groups targeted for violence. Impunity remains the norm. Efforts to reform public security institutions have stalled. Marred by corruption and abuse, the judiciary and police remain largely ineffective. This is the Human Rights Watch 2022 World Report for Honduras.

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